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Though only partially preserved, the ruins of the Theatre of Marcellus in Rome are among the oldest remains of an ancient Roman theatre to have survived.
One of the most important ancient Roman public buildings, the Theatre of Marcellus was the brainchild of Julius Caesar himself, though the Roman dictator did not live to see its completion. In fact, after Caesar’s assassination work on the theatre was halted and it was not until his great-nephew Augustus was in power that the work was completed in 13 BC.
According to the ancient historian Livy, the Theatre of Marcellus was constructed on the site of an earlier theatre, built by Marcus Aemilius Lepidus. The theatre was dedicated to Augustus’s own nephew and heir, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who died at a young age.
Built in a grand style, with three distinct columned levels, it is believed the Theatre of Marcellus could originally hold as many as 11,000 people. Throughout the Roman period the theatre survived in its original form, with occasional renovation, such as that provided by the Emperor Vespasian.
After the fall of the Empire however, the Theatre of Marcellus fell into decline and was slowly buried and robbed for its masonry. In the 13th century the theatre was converted into a fortress and its purpose was altered once again in the 16th century when it became the palace of the Savelli family.
In the 1920s the lower sections of the building were bought by Rome’s city council and restored. Today, while the interior is not open to the public, the lower levels and striking architecture can be observed from the street. The upper levels still function as private apartments.
Theatre of Marcellus
The Theatre of Marcellus is an ancient open-air theatre, built in 13 BC and formally inaugurated in 12 BC by Augustus. At the theatre, locals and visitors alike were able to watch performances of drama and song. Today its ancient edifice in the rione of Sant&aposAngelo, Rome, once again provides one of the city&aposs many popular spectacles or tourist sites.
The theatre was 111 m in diameter and was the largest and most important theatre in Ancient Rome it could originally hold between 11,000 and 20,000 spectators. It was an impressive example of what was to become one of the most pervasive urban architectural forms of the Roman world. The theatre was built mainly of tuff, and concrete faced with stones in the pattern known as opus reticulatum, completely sheathed in white travertine. However, it is also the earliest dateable building in Rome to make use of fired Roman brick, then a new introduction from the Greek world.
The network of arches, corridors, tunnels and ramps that gave access to the interiors of such Roman theatres were normally ornamented with a screen of engaged columns in Greek orders: Doric at the base, Ionic in the middle. It is believed that Corinthian columns were used for the upper level but this is uncertain as the theatre was reconstructed in the Middle Ages, removing the top tier of seating and the columns.
The theatre fell out of use in the early 4th century and the structure served as a quarry for e.g. the Pons Cestius in 370 AD. However, the statues located inside the building were restored by Petronius Maximus in 421 and the remaining structure still housed small residential buildings.
In the Early Middle Ages the theatre was used as a fortress of the Fabii. In the 16th century, the residence of the Orsini, designed by Baldassare Peruzzi, was built atop the ruins of the ancient theatre.
Now the upper floors are divided into multiple apartments, and its surroundings are used as a venue for small summer concerts the Portico d&aposOttavia lies to the north west leading to the Roman Ghetto and the Tiber to the south west.
Death of Marcellus/Theatre of Marcellus
Augustus gave him a public burial after the customary eulogies, placing him in the tomb he was building, and as a memorial to him finished the theatre whose foundations had already been laid by the former Caesar and which was now called the theatre of Marcellus. And he ordered also that a golden image of the deceased, a golden crown, and a curule chair should be carried into the theatre at the Ludi Romani and should be placed in the midst of the officials having charge of the games
These were extravagant honours. The golden image and the magisterial chair referenced an authority Marcellus had never enjoyed, and must be seen as reflecting Augustus’ own power and status.
Theatre of Marcellus (Alston)
In the Roman landscape, Marcellus is associated with the theatre which was named after him. Most Roman theatres before the Augustan age had been temporary structures of wood. The Theatre of Pompey had been the first permanent theatre. The theatre being built by Augustus was a competitor in size and adornment and although it was started by Julius Caesar and finished only in 13 BC. A further theatre, the Theatre of Balbus, was also completed in 13 BC. The theatre was not intended to be named after Marcellus.
Theatres were common throughout Southern Italy long before Rome got its first stone theatre. It is not clear why Rome was late in this regard. Theatres were large, expensive structures that required significant investment. There may have been qualms about public order if permanent theatres distracted the plebs from their work. There may have been worries that such a building was on too grand a scale to be a matter of private benefaction to the plebs.
Plan of central Rome, showing Theatres of Pompey, Balbus, and Marcellus.
The Theatre of Marcellus sits alongside the Portico of Octavia, the Theatre of Balbus and then the theatre of Pompey, the Baths and Pool (Stagnum) of Agrippa in a
Portico of Octavia, behind restoration of Severus (Alston).
monumentalisation of the area leading from Capitoline Hill along the river and into the Campus Martius. It clustered a series of entertainment buildings together.
The theatre was a place of popular assembly and was perhaps relatively ungoverned. It certainly offered the Roman people an opportunity to voice support or concerns. As the largest assembly of the Roman people, a theatre audience was a indicator of popular feeling. It is possible that the aristocratic politicians of Rome were uncomfortable with such a permanent symbol of the people through which the people might be given voice.
The Pompeian and Marcellan theatres were lavish investments in the city, but also in the plebs of Rome. They provided public entertainments and were displays of the care of the public exercised by Pompey and later Caesar and Augustus. They were also celebratory victory monuments. Pompey was one of the great military leaders of all Roman history. Balbus was also a leading general of the early Augustan period and very close to Augustus himself. One guesses that what became the Theatre of Marcellus was intended to carry Augustus’ name. So why name it after Marcellus? Why shift it from being a monument of victory to becoming a memorial to the dead?
One answer is to think about the function of Roman theatres. Rather than a discrete gathering a of a select group of people, Roman theatre was a mass spectator event. What better way to symbolise that the people and their rulers were together in all things than to give them a collective place of assembly? With the theatres of Pompey and Balbus, the benefits of Empire were brought to the Roman people as a whole. In the case of the Theatre of Marcellus, it looks as though the benefits that the imperial family brought to the Roman people were made concrete and marble.
What is surprising is that appeal to the people was associated with Marcellus. It seems excessive. But then, the whole event has something excessive about it. We have a short poetic description of the funeral of Marcellus in Virgil’s Aeneid 6. 854-85. This passage was probably written three to four years after the event. What makes it extraordinary is the context. Aeneas is visiting the underworld and is being shown, by his dead father, the future of Rome. Virgil chose to present that future not as culminating in Augustus’ triumph, but as ending in a funeral and death, in the lost hopes of a generation. Rome came together to mourn its lost future in the death of the young Marcellus.
Marcellus had had no public career to speak of and had achieved nothing.
Yet, he was the hope of Rome and the city was, supposedly, bereaved by his loss. The symbolic honours of golden chairs and processions and theatrical associations point to the people being at the centre of the mourning. The honours were quasi-divine (and thus connected to the imperial cult) and quasi-regal.
If that seems extraordinary, then we should think of the great modern funerals of those taken too young, deaths and funerals which united a generation and country: Diana, Princess of Wales, and President Kennedy.
Marcellus was cremated and his ashes interred in the mausoleum that Augustus was constructing for himself on the Campus Martius.
Mausoleum of Augustus (Alston)
The mausoleum was, in itself, an extraordinary structure, far larger than any tomb that any previous Roman had constructed. Its inspiration was probably derived from the East and the tombs of heroes and kings. Yet, Octavian was still a relatively young man. In 23 BC, he was still not of the age at which, customarily, men had run for the consulship.
The mausoleum was a symbolic project. It represented his commitment to the city of Rome (in some contrast to Antony’s wish to be buried in Alexandria). It also represented Augustus’ greatness, a greatness that was heroic in scale and bordering on the divine. From 23 BC, it also represented the family since it was to become a family tomb.
The representation at Marcellus’ death was of a monarchic regime. Virgil’s text makes Marcellus the representative of Roman glory, imperial values, and historical achievements. That investment in the young man is a fundamentally monarchic shift. If the arguments that broke out after the illness of Augustus in 23 BC were focused on precisely this issue, the supposed monarchic nature of the regime, the symbolism employed by Augustus around Marcellus did nothing to reduce that monarchic impression. It seems also that the courting of popular favour seems to have manifested itself in quasi-monarchic honours for members of the imperial family. If the senate worried itself about an impending monarchy, the plebs seem to have been less exercised by that prospect.
Augustus was walking a tight line. On the one hand, he maintained the Republic he had re-established in 28-27. On the other, he was like a monarch or even a god, who, together with his family, provided for the Roman people.
Theatre of Marcellus - History
Roman theatres derive their basic design from the Theatre of Pompey, the first permanent Roman theatre. The characteristics of Roman to those of the earlier Greek theatres due in large part to its influence on the Roman triumvir Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus. Much of the architectural influence on the Romans came from the Greeks, and theatre structural design was no different from other buildings. However, Roman theatres have specific differences, such as being built upon their own foundations instead of earthen works or a hillside and being completely enclosed on all sides.
The Roman theatre was shaped with a half circle or orchestra space in front of the stage. Most often the audience sat here in comfortable chairs. Occasionally, however, the actors would perform in this space. To solve the problem of lighting and sound - the theaters were outdoors.
The Romans built theaters anywhere, even on flat plains, by raising the whole structure off the ground. As a result, the whole structure was more integrated and entrances/exits could be built into the cave, as is done in large theaters and sports arenas today. The arena was as high as the rest of the structure, so the audience could not look out beyond the stage. It also created more of an enclosed atmosphere and may have helped keep out the noises of the city. A tarp could be rigged and moved over the top of the theater to create shade.
The huge amount of people present still held problems for the sound as the audience would not always stay quiet. To solve this problem, costumes and mask were worn to show the type of person on stage. Different symbols were worked out. The actors wore masks - brown for men, white for women, smiling or sad depending on the type of play. The costumes showed the audience who the person was - a purple gown for a rich man, a striped toga for a boy, a short cloak for a soldier, a red toga for a poor man, a short tunic for a slave etc. Women were not allowed to act, so their parts were normally played by a man or young boys wearing a white mask.
The actors spoke the lines, but a second actor mimed the gestures to fit the lines, along with background music. Some things were represented by a series of gestures, which are recognized by the audience to mean something, such as feeling a pulse to show a sick person, making the shape of a lyre with fingers to show music. The audience was often more interested in their favorite actors than the play itself. The actors would try to win over the audience's praise with decorative masks, costumes, dancing and mime.
If the play scripted an actor's dying, a condemned man would take the place of the actor at the last moment and actually be killed on stage. The Romans loved the bloodthirsty spectacles. Emperors such as Nero used the theatre as a way of showing their own talents - good or otherwise. Nero actually used to sing and would not let anyone leave until he was finished.
Most theaters still standing date from the Hellenistic period, which dates from the 4th century BC and later. It's possible to assume much of the features were preserved, but not definitely. This is due to the fact that most plays completely lacked staging directions. Those directions found in modern translations were merely added by the translator. Some plays, however, do sometimes contain scenic requirements.
Pompeii's large theatre underwent a structural change from the Hellenistic style to a more Greco-Roman style. The traditional Hellenistic theatres had the scene section moved forward into the orchestra area, reducing it to a semicircle. The front portion of the scene converted into a 'proskeniontogeion' (high raised stage). The stage was 8-12 feet, 45-140 feet in width, and 6.5-14 feet in depth. The back wall of the stage had 1-3 doors that opened onto the stage but later the number of doors increased to 1-7, depending on the theatre. The stage was supported in front by open columns.
Triangular wooden prisms with a different scene painted on each side (periaktoi) were created and located near the side entrance of the stage. This allowed for a more realistic show. The higher stage gave way to better acting which later attracted actors and popularity.
After the Romans moved into the area and built the odium, Pompeii's theatre underwent complete changes and in 65 A.D, the theatre transformed away from the Hellenistic style into the Greco-Roman style of theatre. A porticos was added in the back of the theatre. The ends of the scene building were removed.
Rows of seats were added for honored guests. The stage was lowered and 2 short flights of steps leading down to the stairs were added. These changes were important because the intent of the theatre was to replace the temporary wooden stages that the Romans were using to house their tragedies and comedies. The new look of the theatre is what was left to the world after Vesuvius's fatal eruption.
The earliest known Italian drama, is known to come from the region of Campania, which is located in the Southern half of Italy. It was in the town of Atella where the Atellan Farces became popular. These were originally written in the language of Oscan, and later translated into Latin as these farces caught on in Rome. What allowed theses plays to catch on, however, was actually due to the Etruscans from the North, as well as Greek colonies located on the Eastern side of the Peninsula to whom the Romans have given the credit of introducing the many forms of music and dance.
In 364 B.C., the Romans specifically introduced the Etruscan form of the ballet as a dance so as to appease the gods, so that they might remove a plague from the empire. Livius Andronicus, who is thought to be a freed slave during the 3rd century B.C., is credited for translating the first Greek plays into Latin as well as producing them (Butler 79). Many of the performances were associated with important holidays as well as with religious festivals.
Roman theatres were built in all areas of the empire from medieval-day Spain, to the Middle East. Because of the Romans' ability to influence local architecture, we see numerous theatres around the world with uniquely Roman attributes.
There exist similarities between the theatres and amphitheatres of ancient Rome/Italy. They were constructed out of the same material, Roman concrete, and provided a place for the public to go and see numerous events throughout the Empire. However, they are two entirely different structures, with specific layouts that lend to the different events they held. Amphitheatres did not need superior acoustics, unlike those provided by the structure of a Roman theatre. While amphitheatres would feature races and gladiatorial events, theatres hosted events such as plays, pantomimes, choral events, and orations. Their design, with its semicircular form, enhances the natural acoustics, unlike Roman amphitheatres constructed in the round.
These buildings were semi-circular and possessed certain inherent architectural structures, with minor differences depending on the region in which they were constructed. The scaenae frons was a high back wall of the stage floor, supported by columns. The proscaenium was a wall that supported the front edge of the stage with ornately decorated niches off to the sides. The Hellenistic influence is seen through the use of the proscaenium. The Roman theatre also had a podium, which sometimes supported the columns of the scaenae frons. The scaenae was originally not part of the building itself, constructed only to provide sufficient background for the actors. Eventually, it became a part of the edifice itself, made out of concrete. The theatre itself was divided into the stage (orchestra) and the seating section (auditorium). Vomitoria or entrances and exits were made available to the audience.
The auditorium, the area in which people gathered, was sometimes constructed on a small hill or slope in which stacked seating could be easily made in the tradition of the Greek Theatres. The central part of the auditorium was hollowed out of a hill or slope, while the outer radian seats required structural support and solid retaining walls. This was of course not always the case as Romans tended to build their theatres regardless of the availability of hillsides. All theatres built within the city of Rome were completely man-made without the use of earthworks. The auditorium was not roofed rather, awnings (vela) could be pulled overhead to provide shelter from rain or sunlight.
Some Roman theatres, constructed of wood, were torn down after the festival for which they were erected concluded. This practice was due to a moratorium on permanent theatre structures that lasted until 55 BC when the Theatre of Pompey was built with the addition of a temple to avoid the law. Some Roman theatres show signs of never having been completed in the first place.
Inside Rome, few theatres have survived the centuries following their construction, providing little evidence about the specific theatres. Arausio, the theatre in modern-day Orange, France, is a good example of a classic Roman theatre, with an indented scaenae frons, reminiscent of Western Roman theatre designs, however missing the more ornamental structure. The Arausio is still standing today and, with its amazing structural acoustics and having had its seating reconstructed, can be seen to be a marvel of Roman architecture.
Interior view of the auditorium
1) Scaenae frons 2) Porticus post scaenam 3) Pulpitum 4) Proscaenium
5) Orchestra 6) Cavea 7) Aditus maximus 8) Vomitorium
The scaenae frons is the elaborately decorated background of a Roman theatre stage. This area usually has several entrances to the stage including a grand central entrance. The scaenae frons is two or sometime three stories in height and was central to the theatre's visual impact for this was what is seen by a Roman audience at all times. Tiers or balconies were supported by a generous number of classic columns. This style was influenced by Greek theatre. The Greek equivalent was the "Scene" building. It lends its name to "proscenium," which describes the stage or space "before the scene."
The pulpitum is a common feature in medieval cathedral and monastic architecture in Europe. It is a massive screen, most often constructed of stone, or occasionally timber, that divides the choir (the area containing the choir stalls and high altar in a cathedral, collegiate or monastic church) from the nave and ambulatory (the parts of the church to which lay worshippers may have access).
A proscenium is the area of a theater surrounding the stage opening. Note that a proscenium theatre should not be confused with a "proscenium arch theatre".
The cavea were the subterranean cells in which wild animals were confined before the combats in the Roman arena or amphitheatre.
A vomitorium is a passage situated below or behind a tier of seats in an amphitheatre, through which big crowds can exit rapidly at the end of a performance.They are also a pathway for actors to enter on and off stage. The Latin word vomitorium, plural vomitoria, derives from the verb vomeo, vomere, vomitum, "to spew forth." In ancient Roman architecture, vomitoria were designed to provide rapid egress for large crowds at amphitheatres and stadiums, as they do in modern sports stadiums and large theaters.
The one ancient theatre to survive in Rome, the Theatre of Marcellus, was started by Caesar and completed by Augustus around the year 11 or 13. It stands on level ground and is supported by radiating walls and concrete vaulting. An arcade with attached half-columns runs around the building. The columns are Doric and Ionic.
At the theatre, locals and visitors alike were able to watch performances of drama and song. Today its ancient edifice in the rione of Sant'Angelo, Rome, once again provides one of the city's many popular spectacles or tourist sites. It was named after Marcus Marcellus, Emperor Augustus's nephew, who died five years before its completion. Space for the theatre was cleared by Julius Caesar, who was murdered before it could be begun the theatre was so far advanced by 17 BC that part of the celebration of the ludi saeculares took place within the theatre it was completed in 13 BC and formally inaugurated in 12 BC by Augustus.
The theatre was 111 m in diameter it could originally hold 11,000 spectators. It was an impressive example of what was to become one of the most pervasive urban architectural forms of the Roman world. The theatre was built mainly of tuff, and concrete faced with stones in the pattern known as opus reticulatum, completely sheathed in white travertine. The network of arches, corridors, tunnels and ramps that gave access to the interiors of such Roman theaters were normally ornamented with a screen of engaged columns in Greek orders: Doric at the base, Ionic in the middle. It is believed that Corinthian columns were used for the upper level but this is uncertain as the theater was reconstructed in the Middle Ages, removing the top tier of seating and the columns.
Like other Roman theaters in suitable locations, it had openings through which the natural setting could be seen, in this case the Tiber Island to the southwest. The permanent setting, the scaena, also rose to the top of the cavea as in other Roman theaters.
The name templum Marcelli still clung to the ruins in 998. In the Early Middle Ages the Teatro di Marcello was used as a fortress of the Fabii and then at the end of the 11th century, by Pier Leoni and later his heirs (the Pierleoni). The Savelli held it in the 13th century. Later, in the 16th century, the residence of the Orsini, designed by Baldassare Peruzzi, was built atop the ruins of the ancient theatre.
Now the upper portion is divided into multiple apartments, and its surroundings are used as a venue for small summer concerts the Portico d'Ottavia lies to the north west leading to the Roman Ghetto and the Tiber to the south west.
In the 17th century, the renowned English architect Sir Christopher Wren explicitly acknowledged that his design for the Sheldonian Theatre in Oxford was influenced by Serlio's engraving of the Theatre of Marcellus.
The Theatre of Orange is an ancient Roman theatre, in Orange, southern France, built early in the 1st century CE. It is owned by the municipality of Orange and is the home of the summer opera festival, the Choregies d'Orange.
It is one of the best preserved of all the Roman theatres in the Roman colony of Arausio (or, more specifically, Colonia Julia Firma Secundanorum Arausio: "the Julian colony of Arausio established by the soldiers of the second legion") which was founded in 40 BC. Playing a major role in the life of the citizens, who spent a large part of their free time there, the theatre was seen by the Roman authorities not only as a means of spreading Roman culture to the colonies, but also as a way of distracting them from all political activities. Mime, pantomime, poetry readings and the "attelana" (a kind of farce rather like the commedia dell'arte) was the dominant form of entertainment, much of which lasted all day. For the common people, who were fond of spectacular effects, magnificent stage sets became very important, as was the use of stage machinery. The entertainment offered was open to all and free of charge.
As the Western Roman Empire declined during the 4th century, by which time Christianity had become the official religion, the theatre was closed by official edict in AD 391 since the Church opposed what it regarded as uncivilized spectacles. After that, the theatre was abandoned completely. It was sacked and pillaged by the "barbarians" and was used as a defensive post in the Middle Ages. During the 16th-century religious wars, it became a refuge for the townspeople.
Dimensions and Layout
In its original form, the theater was capable of holding around 11,000 people. The main construction materials were tuff, a type of rock formed from compacted volcanic ash, and concrete. This was faced with stones and covered in brilliant white travertine limestone. Openings were built into the structure to allow southeastern views of Tiber Island. The whole complex had a diameter of around 340 feet.
Inside the theater was a mass of corridors, ramps, tunnels, and arches, which allowed access from the exterior. As was usually the case with such buildings in Ancient Rome, these areas carried considerable ornamentation in the form of columns in a mixture of the Doric and Ionic styles. Most authorities hold that the upper level employed Corinthian columns, but these were lost when the theater was rebuilt during the Middle Ages.
ROME: FROM FASCISM TO LIBERATION
The Theater of Marcellus was dedicated around 13 BCE to honor Emperor Augustus’s nephew. At that time, it was the largest theater in Rome. It stood 100 feet high and could seat around 20,000 people. As in many Roman structures, the theater was designed with a series of barrel-vaults that add both decoration and strength to the structure. Unlike structures such as the Colosseum, however, this building also uses concrete ramps instead of stairs to wind its way up the various levels. It could originally seat approximately 11,000 spectators. While the theater itself is concrete, it was faced completely with travertine and different orders of engaged Greek columns. It is speculated that the theater was originally built as a way to rival the theater of Pompey however, there is no factual evidence to support that claim.
Until Mussolini turned his attention to the Theater of Marcellus in 1926 as part of his new “Romanita”, the theater had been crowded with piles of old ruins, shops, shacks, and any manner of randomness that builds up over thousands of years. So much of the theater was buried at this point that there was truly no way of knowing how much of the structure remained or if what was seen was even connected to anything. Archaeologists had done a little exploring in the earlier 1900s, but even they could not say for sure. Mussolini took a chance and ordered the area to be completely cleared out and the theater restored to a recognizable state. As usual with Mussolini’s excavations, this lead to all the houses and shops in the area being completely demolished. The only people allowed to stay were the Orisinis whom had “owned” the theater for decades. By the end of the excavations in 1932, over three fourths of the façade could be seen, the barrel-vault had been cleared, and iron gates installed. Mussolini was quite proud to include this “Colosseum look-alike” in his repertoire of Ancient Roman ruins.
PHOTO, ABOVE: Mussolini touring the excavations of the Theater of Marcellus in 1927 and the archeological finds.
Source: ASIL: Mussolini visita l'area del Teatro Marcello - 03.10.1927In primo piano ruderi e ritrovamenti archeologici edifici in demolizione in fondo Mussolini, con i resposabili dei lavori.
Theater of Marcellus
Theater of Marcellus was erected on a site before the Temple of Apollo Sosianus, probably the same spot where, in the republican period, there used to be a temporary theatre. Its construction was begun by Caesar but he probably had time to do little more than clear the site by demolishing part of the Circus Flaminius.
The theatre was completed by Augustus, who in 13 or 11 BC dedicated it to his nephew Marcellus, his designated heir who had died prematurely ten years earlier. The theatre was over 32 metres high and its cavea (the hemicycle, with tiers of seating for the audience) had a diameter of 130 metres and held over 15,000 people .
The building as we see it today has been partly altered by the superstructures added in later centuries, but the general outline of its original architecture is still clearly visible.
In Rome the theatrical representations, so important in the election campaigns, were generally kept in a provvisory wood theater, near the old Temple of Apollo in the Campus Martius. Not up until 55 B.C. did Pompey construct the city’s first masonry theater. The structure prepared by Caesar was on the exact same site as the provvisory theater.
Theatre of Marcellus (Teatro di Marcello) is an ancient open-air theatre in Rome, Italy. Rome architecture and landmark.
The theater should have been constructed on effective bases, and the front was offered with an exterior of 41 arches, framed by engaged columns, on 3 floorings. The very first 2 floorings are Doric and Ionic orders, the 3rd, which absolutely nothing stays, need to have been an attic nearby Corinthian pilasters.
Theatre Marcellus, view from Capitoline Hill – Rome, Italy
Ruins – Teatro di Marcello, Rome – Italy
The interior ambulatory and the radial walls of the cunei (wedge-shaped sectors of seats) remain in opus quadratum of tufa for the first 10 meters down, in opus caementicium with a facing of opus reticulatum in the inner part. It has actually been determined that the cavea (diam. 129.80 m.) might hold in between 15.000 and 20,000 viewers, making it the biggest theater in Rome as far as audience capability was worried. Beyond the orchestra (diam. m. 37) was the phase, which absolutely nothing stays.
Ancient open-air Theatre of Marcellus in Rome, Italy
On either side were apsed halls, which a pier and a column of one are still standing. Behind the phase was a big semi-circular exedra with 2 little temples. The structure was likewise visible for its abundant decor, still noticeable in the Doric frieze on the lower order.
Three columns from the temple of Apollo, with their entablature, still stand in front of the Marcellus theater this temple was restored in 34 B.C. by the consul C. Sosius, and was furnished with magnificent works of art.
The destruction of the Theatre of Marcellus began as early as A.D. 370 at the hands of the Romans themselves, who used blocks from it to restore the nearby Bridge of Cestius. The work of demolition continued sporadically until the 12th century, when, in the course of the struggles of the noble families between themselves and against the Popes and Emperors, some of the former built themselves a fortress upon the remains of the Theatre.
Theater of Marcellus, Rome. Now and then (historical reconstriction art). Source: Archaeology & Art
During the Middle Ages Theater of Marcellus was occupied by the Savelli family and in the eighteenth century by the Orsini. The 16th century Palazzo Orsini occupies the third storey of the Theatre of Marcellus. The upper part of the cavea, preserved to a height of 20 metres, is now incorporated into a palace designed at the start of the sixteenth century by Baldassarre Peruzzi. Its present appearance and isolation from the buildings round it are the result of demolition work in 1926-1932.
Marcellus Crocker: Grant’s Hammer in the Western Theater
Regiments of Brig. Gen. Marcellus Crocker’s 7th Division of the 17th Corps hurtle toward the Confederate lines at Jackson, Miss., on May 14, 1863. The Union victory was an important step during the Vicksburg Campaign. (Chronicle/Alamy Stock Photo)
Marcellus M. Crocker was on his way to high command until a terrible disease ended his military career
Musing on the Vicksburg Campaign two decades after it occurred, Ulysses S. Grant singled out two subordinates as the best “division commanders as could be found in or out of the army.” These two officers were John A. Logan and Marcellus M. Crocker. Grant further affirmed that the men were “fitted to command independent armies.” Logan’s status continued to rise after Vicksburg, and he eventually did reach army command. Crocker’s career, on the contrary, abruptly ended due to disease, an enemy that scoffed at bullets and bayonets.
General Marcellus Crocker’s first name translated from Latin means “hammer,” a fitting appellation for the hard-hitting battlefield commander. (HN Archives)
Marcellus Monroe Crocker was born in Franklin, Ind., on February 6, 1830. His first name was derived from Latin, and it translated to hammer—a fitting choice for his future exploits on the battlefield. In 1840, 10-year-old Marcellus moved to Illinois with his family, where he remained for five years before relocating to Jefferson County, Iowa. Through the efforts of Representative Shepherd Leffler and Senator Augustus Caesar Dodge, Crocker secured an appointment to the U.S. Military Academy in July 1847 at the age of 17.
Crocker was getting along well in his studies, but two years into his schooling, his father’s sudden death prompted his resignation. His widowed mother was destitute. Crocker packed his bags and returned home to support her, his three sisters, and two brothers. Despite his premature departure from West Point, he never lost his love for military life.
A law career seemed the most appropriate for the ex-cadet. He studied for a short period in Cyrus Olney’s Fairfield office, and after two years of fervent study, Crocker was admitted to the bar and began to practice on his own in Lancaster. He married in 1851, but his 22-year-old bride would die two years later. He then married Charlotte D. O’Neil.
In the spring of 1855, Crocker removed to Des Moines. In 1857, Crocker, Phineas M. Casady, and Jefferson S. Polk established the law firm of Casady, Crocker & Polk. Crocker earned a solid reputation as a criminal lawyer and as an elegant orator. His oratory skills served him well when managing and inspiring green volunteers during the impending war.
A member of the Democratic Party, Crocker fiercely opposed Lincoln’s 1860 Republican candidacy for president. But the outbreak of war caused him to radically shift his opinion and provide unwavering support for the Union cause. At a hastily assembled community meeting in the spring of 1861, Crocker made a short speech that delivered “burning words of patriotism” in support of invading the south and crushing the rebellion.
At a meeting held the next morning, the charismatic attorney gave another rousing speech that called for volunteers to revenge the outrage that transpired at Fort Sumter. “We have not called this meeting for speech-making,” Crocker uttered to his audience. “We are now here for business. The American flag has been insulted, has been fired upon by our own people, but, by the Eternal, it must be maintained!” Eager Iowans offered to serve under the passionate lawyer, captivated by his fiery brown eyes and his enthusiasm to the cause.
As a colonel, Crocker led a brigade of the 11th, 13th, 15th, and 16th Iowa Infantry at the fall 1862 battles of Iuka, top, and the Second Battle of Corinth, below. The engagements were part of a multi-theater offensive launched that fall by the Confederacy that was turned back at the battles of Antietam, Perryville, and the aforementioned fights in Mississippi. The South would never again be able to mount such coordinated campaigns. (Niday Picture Archive/Alamy Stock Photo)
(Falkenstein Photo/Alamy Stock Photo)
Crocker was elected as a captain in the 2nd Iowa Infantry, and quickly rose in rank to colonel of the 13th Iowa Infantry within seven months. The men under his command recognized him as a pragmatic leader, a savage swearer when provoked, fearless in battle, and a brutish disciplinarian. Captain Cornelius Cadle considered his application of discipline “severe but just.” Crocker made no distinction between officers and the men when it came to enforcing punishment for infractions. Instead, he trusted “that the efficiency, safety and comfort of his men were only secured by their close observance of the duties of a soldier.” Most of the Iowa volunteers were “loud grumblers” because of Crocker’s methods, but their opinions of him quickly shifted when they experienced their first taste of the chaos of battle.
That rude awakening came shortly after Crocker and the 13th Iowa joined Maj. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant’s army at Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., in March 1862. Crocker’s regiment, along with the 8th and 18th Illinois, the 11th Iowa, and Battery D, 2nd Illinois Artillery, were part of the 1st Brigade commanded by Colonel Abraham M. Hare of Maj. Gen. John A. McClernand’s 1st Division of the Army of the Tennessee. About dawn on April 6, 1862, General Albert S. Johnston’s Confederate troops smashed into the surprised Union troops in their camps.
Hare’s brigade was almost dead center in the Union line, and though it fought hard, it was driven back before the Rebel onslaught. Hare fell seriously wounded, and Crocker assertively took charge of his green regiments. He recalled his Midwesterners “retired to position in front of the campground of the Fourteenth Iowa Volunteers, and for the rest of the day and until the enemy was repulsed they maintained that position under constant and galling fire from the enemy’s artillery.” The Iowans fought for 10 hours, suffering the loss of two of the regiment’s top senior officers, Lt. Col. Milton Price and Major John Shane, and dozens of men.
But more fighting lay ahead of them. On the morning of the 7th, the 1st Division, commanded then by Colonel James Tuttle of the 2nd Iowa, surged forward as part of Grant’s sweeping counterattack. Crocker’s battered brigade was held in reserve, but two of his regiments got involved in the fight. As the colonel remembered: “The Eighteenth and Eighth Illinois Regiments were ordered to charge upon and take a battery of two guns that had been greatly annoying and damaging our forces. They advanced at a charge bayonets, took the guns, killing nearly all the horses and men, and brought the guns off the field.”
As the fight dwindled down, Crocker was ordered to take his regiments back to their camp, where they arrived about 8 p.m. Crocker’s brigade suffered 577 casualties, including 92 killed, mostly on the battle’s first day. The 13th alone incurred 162 casualties.
Crocker received acclaim for his skillful battlefield command. Colonel Hare, recovering from severe wounds to his hand and arm, praised Crocker’s performance in his post-battle report:
To Colonel M.M. Crocker, of the 13th Iowa, I wish to call special attention. The coolness and bravery displayed by him on the field of battle during the entire action of the 6th: the skill with which he managed his men, and the example of daring and disregard of danger by which he inspired them to do their duty, and stand by their colors, show him to be possessed of the highest qualities of a commander, and entitle him to speedy promotion.
Behind his bravado, Crocker was just happy to have survived. He wrote home to his wife Charlotte reassuring her of his safety a day after the clash:
The great battle is over, and I am untouched, and in good health and spirits. I am very busy, and everything is in great confusion. I have only time to assure you of my safety. God bless you! You don’t know how often I thought of you and the children during the battle.
A lean soldier from the 15th Iowa Infantry, one of the original regiments in “Crocker’s Greyhound” brigade. He wears the 17th Corps’ distinctive badge on his right breast, an arrow sometimes described as a “dart.” (Heritage Auctions)
Colonel Hare resigned due to the effects of his Shiloh wounds, and after a reorganization following Shiloh, Crocker took command of a brigade composed of the 11th, 13th, 15th, and 16th Iowa Infantry. “Crocker’s Greyhounds,” as the units became known, fought in the fall of 1862 at the Battles of Iuka and Second Corinth in northern Mississippi. Crocker’s star continued to rise, and with the backing of his good friend Maj. Gen. Grenville M. Dodge, he received a well-deserved promotion to brigadier general in November 1862. The men of his old regiment, the 13th Iowa, presented him with a handsome gold-plated sword as a token of their respect.
Crocker’s leadership skills, however, were powerless against the ravages of tuberculosis. He had suffered from the disease since 1861, but remained in the field despite its miserable symptoms and regularly slept sitting upright in a camp chair at his tent entrance, hoping that exposure to the fresh air would help him breathe. Franc B. Wilkie, a war correspondent of the Chicago Times, described seeing the pale and emaciated general. Wilkie described him as a “very handsome man, something of the style of [Brig. Gen.] John A. Rawlins.” The correspondent noted the “clearness of complexion and the large blazing eyes often characteristic of sufferers from the diabolical disease.”
Crocker refused to go on sick leave despite his tuberculosis. Grant took notice of this endurance and dedication, admiring that Crocker always remained ready for a fight, “as long as he could keep his feet.” (Library of Congress)
Crocker refused to go on sick leave. Grant took notice of this endurance and dedication, admiring that Crocker always remained ready for a fight, “as long as he could keep his feet.” Only Charlotte knew the full extent of his suffering. In one letter to his wife, he revealed that “he would have chosen death as sweet relief from his pain, but for leaving his family.”
On May 2, 1863, Crocker received command of Brig. Gen. Isaac F. Quinby’s 7th Division of the 17th Corps. Quinby was wracked by his own illness. When he departed the Greyhounds, Sergeant Alexander G. Downing of the 11th Iowa noted in his diary that “The boys are all sorry to see him [Crocker] leave.”
General Crocker ably led the 7th Division, which consisted of three infantry brigades and an artillery brigade, during the early phases of Grant’s Vicksburg Campaign. His division smashed the Confederate works at Jackson, Miss., successfully capturing the city. “It was a most magnificent charge across that open field in the face of deadly fire our men never wavered, keeping perfect alignment,” Wilkie observed. “Crocker rode on the right of the line, keeping even with it during the charge and going over the works with his men.”
At Champion Hill on May 16, Crocker’s division played a key role and shifted the momentum of the battle. During the opening stage of the fight, Crocker wrote that his brigade commanded by Colonel George Boomer, “by the most desperate fighting, and with wonderful courage and obstinacy,” held fast despite “the continued and furious assaults of the enraged and baffled enemy….”
Boomer’s position became critical, however, when his men ran low on ammunition. At this critical moment, Crocker skillfully fed other regiments of his division into the fight. “They charged the enemy with a shout,” recalled Crocker, and the Confederates “broke and fled in the greatest confusion, leaving in our possession the regimental flag of the Thirty-first Alabama, taken by the Seventeenth Iowa, and two guns of his battery. This ended the fight.”
Fellow Brig. Gen. Manning F. Force described Crocker’s charge as an “irresistible onset” that punched back the Confederate right. The victory forced Lt. Gen. John C. Pemberton to retreat into the lines at Vicksburg, where he would be bottled up by Grant’s forces.
At Champion Hill, Crocker led a charge on the Confederate right flank that sealed the Union victory. Major General Ulysses S. Grant praised Crocker but believed Maj. Gen. John McClernand had turned in a weak performance on the Federal left. Confederate Lt. Gen. John Pemberton retreated into Vicksburg after the fight.
Quinby returned to command the division during the fight at Champion Hill, but Crocker kept his command until the battle ended. Major General James B. McPherson, 17th Corps commander, expressed his appreciation for and admired [Crocker’s] his “soldierly qualities,” “efficiency in command,” “gallant heroism on the field,” and lastly, his “daring intrepity.” Grant nominated Crocker as the chief of staff to McPherson until a new assignment opened up. But tuberculosis reared its head once again when Crocker requested from McPherson to go on medical leave in St. Louis for surgery on his throat, which was subsequently granted.
In June 1863, Crocker returned to his hometown of Des Moines following the operation. During the Republican State Convention, participants nominated Crocker as a candidate for governor of Iowa. He refused, kindly asking his name to be removed from the ballot. He humbly declared, “If a soldier is worth anything he cannot be spared from the field if he is worthless, he will not make a good Governor.”
Crocker returned to Vicksburg on July 21, 1863, finding the city “warm, dusty, and generally as disagreeable as possible,” an environment that tortured his throat and lungs. Grant, though, assigned Crocker to Maj. Gen. Edward O.C. Ord’s 13th Corps to take command of Brig. Gen. Jacob G. Lauman’s 4th Division. Lauman had been relieved of command, according to Crocker, for “blundering like an old ass” into a line of Confederate entrenchments. Grant told Ord he could “place the fullest confidence” in the “brave, competent, and experienced” Crocker.
In August 1863, Crocker’s division was transferred to McPherson’s 17th Corps and dispatched to northeastern Louisiana, where it played a role in Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman’s 1864 Meridian Expedition. Soon after the campaign, Crocker’s health rapidly declined. “I stayed longer than I ought, so that I came very near dying,” Crocker confessed in a solemn letter to his friend General Dodge. He reluctantly relinquished command of his division upon reaching Decatur, Ala., in May 1864.
Crocker submitted his resignation the following month. Halleck telegraphed Grant to ask about Crocker’s previous background while under his command and his capacity to handle an independent “frontier command.” Grant’s reply to Halleck on June 24, 1864, revealed his conviction in Crocker. Grant declared, “Crocker and [Maj. Gen. Phil] Sheridan, I think, were the best Division Commanders I have known.” “Either of them are qualified for any command.” Grant concluded by urging Halleck to dissuade Crocker from resigning.
Crocker agreed to revoke his resignation under the guarantee that he could receive a command in a dry environment that would help to restore his health. Halleck had the Department of New Mexico in mind, and ordered him to report Santa Fe. Although accepting this new assignment without question, Crocker was not, in his own words, “particular about it.” It would be a virtual exile from the major theaters of war. Likewise, he would be isolated from most of “his old comrades.”
Still, the dutiful general made the trek from Leavenworth, Kan., to Santa Fe, arriving in September 1864. He continued to Fort Sumner, where he took command and was tasked with the “care and supervision of 8,000 captive Indians” on the Bosque Redondo Reservation.
Crocker grew restless at this assignment and wrote Grant, pleading to return to active command. Grant immediately telegraphed Halleck on December 28, 1864, requesting Crocker’s reassignment to a command where his talents could be best used. “I have never seen but three or four Division commanders his equal and we want his services,” Grant declared, requesting Halleck to have Crocker report to Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas’ Army of the Cumberland at Nashville, Tenn. Assistant Adjutant General Edward Davis Townsend dispatched the official order for Crocker to return east on New Year’s Eve 1864.
In February 1865, Grant found another assignment for Crocker. He intended to suspend Maj. Gen. George Crook—captured by guerrillas in February 1865—and replace him with Crocker in command of the Department of West Virginia. Grant wired to Halleck, “If Crocker can be reached he will make a fine Officer to take Crook’s place.” (Library of Congress)
As Grant waited for word of Crocker’s arrival to Nashville, he found another assignment for him. He intended to suspend Maj. Gen. George Crook—captured by guerrillas in February 1865—and replace him with Crocker in command of the Department of West Virginia. Grant wired to Halleck, “If Crocker can be reached he will make a fine Officer to take Crook’s place.”
Grant became irked when the change in command was delayed and rattled off a message to Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton, a fellow advocate for Crocker, toward the end of February. “I asked Gen. Halleck some time since to order Crocker from New Mexico,” Grant declared. “If he is within reach I scarcely know his equal to take Crook’s place.” Grant wired Stanton a second time at the beginning of March. “It will be necessary to have a good man in Command in West Va.,” he noted. “I recommended Crocker for the place but I believe he has not been ordered in from New Mexico. I wanted that done last Fall [Winter] and supposed until a few days since that he had been ordered in.” He sent one last telegraph to Halleck on March 2, 1865, bluntly asking, “Has General Crocker been ordered in from New Mexico? If he has not please order him in at once. He would be invaluable in command of West Virginia. An active traveling general is wanted who would visit all his posts in the department.”
Both Halleck and Stanton reassured Grant on separate occasions that Crocker had been “ordered in some time ago.” Thomas had been ordered to dispatch Crocker upon his arrival, but no one knew his whereabouts. It turned out his illness had returned, and Crocker finally turned up at General Dodge’s headquarters in St. Louis on April 22, 1865. Dodge telegraphed Maj. Gen. John Rawlins of Grant’s staff notifying him of Crocker’s arrival. “Gen Crocker has arrived here from New Mexico sick—He is ordered to report to Gen Thomas but can go no further,” Dodge declared. “Please change his order to report to me—I will send him home to wait the decision on his resignation which he will send on. He will have to go out of the Service. Would you like to be mustered if that is possible?”
Broken in health and unable to even make it the 300 miles or so to Nashville, Crocker turned westward in the direction of home, reaching Des Moines about a month later. When he arrived, Crocker sent off a hasty letter to Dodge: “I arrived home all safe and am improving rapidly, I think. At any rate, I am able to circulate to some extent.” In truth, he was only months away from his death.
He was ordered to Washington, D.C, during the summer of 1865. While staying at Willard’s Hotel, Crocker fell violently ill. As he lay protracted and delirious, Crocker scanned the room for his wife, but Charlotte was on her way from Des Moines. He passed away alone on August 26 at age 35. Crocker’s distraught wife reached Washington 24 hours after his death. She had missed the connection on the Chicago & Pittsburgh Railroad, delaying her arrival.
Hotel management moved Crocker’s body to another room and had it embalmed at their expense, allowing visitors to come and pay their respects. Colonel Peter T. Hudson of Grant’s staff escorted the body with a small detail of eight soldiers to Des Moines, where General Crocker’s remains were interred in early September. General Dodge was convinced that if Crocker had remained healthy, he “would have risen to the highest rank and command in the army.”
Grant never forgot his trusted subordinate. When he visited Des Moines at a reunion of the Army of the Tennessee in September 1875, he went for a morning carriage ride through the city on the day of his arrival. As the carriage passed down Fourth Street, Brig. Gen. Rollin V. Ankeny, a passenger in the carriage, pointed out Crocker’s old home. President Grant reportedly raised his hat and bowed his head in honor of the deceased general, uttering these short, but sincere, tribute: “There was a general, who was a true general, honest, brave and true.”
Union General John A. Rawlins, Ulysses Grant’s Chief of Staff, suffered from Tuberculosis for much of the war, as is visible by his emaciated appearance in this photo. He died from the disease in 1869 at the age of 38, while serving as President Grant’s secretary of war. (National Archives)
The White Plague
A common enemy killed Marcellus Crocker
Nearly 14,000 soldiers died from tuberculosis during the Civil War. The disease, caused by bacteria that attack the lungs, was easily spread in the cramped living quarters common during the conflict. Symptoms of the illness include a chronic cough, fever, night sweats, and severe weight loss so characteristic of the disease in the 19th century it was referred to as ‘consumption.’ Effective treatments were not available until the early 1900s after Robert Koch identified bacteria that caused it, a discovery for which he was awarded a Nobel Prize. Before that time, it claimed countless victims without discrimination, a leading cause of death for centuries, prompting Civil War veteran Oliver Wendell Holmes to coin it “the white plague.” –Melissa A. Winn
Theater Marcellus in Numbers: Before & Nowadays
The open-air theater, which was used for acting, dancing and singing performances, originally featured 41 arches framed by 42 pillars. It was 36,60 meters in height (approximately 98 feet tall), while today it is a little bit taller than 20 meters (65 ft). Theater Marcellus could host nearly 15,000 spectators. The external facade was covered with travertine marble and featured huge marble theater masks.
The set resembled the facade of a monumental building, finely decorated with columns and statues of illustrious figures and gods.
After the fall of the Roman Empire, Theatre Marcellus followed the destiny of many other monuments and sites in Rome such as the Colosseum and the Roman Forum.
The theater was turned into a cave to extract precious materials used to build churches and palaces in Rome. Part of the demolished materials collapsed on the area opposite to the Tiber bank. By the 13th century noble families in Rome fought for the property of this area. Eventually the Orsini family acquired it together with the apartments that are known today as the Orsini Palace.
Theatre of Marcellus - History
(legendary, died 208 B.C.E.)
Translated by John Dryden
They say that Marcus Claudius, who was five times consul of the Romans, was the son of Marcus and that he was the first of his family called Marcellus that is, martial, as Posidonius affirms. He was, indeed, by long experience, skilful in the art of war, of a strong body, valiant of hand, and by natural inclinations addicted to war. This high temper and heat he showed conspicuously in battle in other respects he was modest and obliging, and so far studious of Greek learning and discipline, as to honour and admire those that excelled in it, though he did not himself attain a proficiency in them equal to his desire, by reason of his employments. For if ever there were any men whom, as Homer says, Heaven
"From their first youth unto their utmost age
Appointed the laborious wars to wage," certainly they were the chief Romans of that time who in their youth had war with the Carthaginians in Sicily, in their middle age with the Gauls in the defence of Italy itself and at last, when now grown old, struggled again with Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and wanted in their latest years what is granted to most men, exemption from military toils their rank and their great qualities still making them be called upon to undertake the command.
Marcellus, ignorant or unskillful of no kind of fighting, in single combat surpassed himself he never declined a challenge, and never accepted without killing his challenger. In Sicily, he protected and saved his brother Otacilius when surrounded in battle, and slew the enemies that pressed upon him for which act he was by the generals, while he was yet but young, presented with crowns and other honourable rewards and, his good qualities more and more displaying themselves, he was created Curule Aedile by the people and by the high priests Augur which is that priesthood to which chiefly the law assigns the observation of auguries. In his Aedileship, a certain mischance brought him to the necessity of bringing an impeachment into the senate. He had a son named Marcus, of great beauty, in the flower of his age, and no less admired for the goodness of his character. This youth, Capitolinus, a bold and ill-mannered man, Marcellus's colleague, sought to abuse. The boy at first himself repelled him but when the other again persecuted him, told his father. Marcellus, highly indignant, accused the man in the senate: where he, having appealed to the tribunes of the people, endeavoured by various shifts and exceptions to elude the impeachment and, when the tribunes refused their protection, by flat denial rejected the charge. As there was no witness of the fact, the senate thought fit to call the youth himself before them: on witnessing whose blushes and tears, and shame mixed with the highest indignation, seeking no further evidence of the crime, they condemned Capitolinus, and set a fine upon him of the money of which Marcellus caused silver vessels for libation to be made, which he dedicated to the gods.
After the end of the first Punic war, which lasted one-and-twenty years, the seed of Gallic tumults sprang up, and began again to trouble Rome. The Insubrians, a people inhabiting the subalpine region of Italy, strong in their own forces, raised from among the other Gauls aids of mercenary soldiers, called Gaesatae. And it was a sort of miracle, and special good fortune for Rome, that the Gallic war was not coincident with the Punic, but that the Gauls had with fidelity stood quiet as spectators, while the Punic war continued, as though they had been under engagement to await and attack the victors, and now only were at liberty to come forward. Still the position itself, and the ancient renown of the Gauls, struck no little fear into the minds of the Romans, who were about to undertake a war so near home and upon their own borders and regarded the Gauls, because they had once taken their city, with more apprehension than any people, as is apparent from the enactment which from that time forth provided, that the high priests should enjoy an exemption from all military duty, except only in Gallic insurrections.
The great preparations, also, made by the Romans for war (for it is not reported that the people of Rome ever had at one time so many legions in arms, either before or since), and their extraordinary sacrifices, were plain arguments of their fear. For though they were most averse to barbarous and cruel rites, and entertained more than any nation the same pious and reverent sentiments of the gods with the Greeks yet, when this war was coming upon them, they then, from some prophecies in the Sibyls' books, put alive underground a pair of Greeks, one male, the other female and likewise two Gauls, one of each sex, in the market called the beast market: continuing even to this day to offer to these Greeks and Gauls certain ceremonial observances in the month of November.
In the beginning of this war, in which the Romans sometimes obtained remarkable victories, sometimes were shamefully beaten, nothing was done toward the determination of the contest until Flaminius and Furius, being consuls, led large forces against the Insubrians. At the time of their departure, the river that runs through the country of Picenum was seen flowing with blood there was a report that three moons had once been seen at Ariminum and, in the consular assembly, the augurs declared that the consuls had been unduly and inauspiciously created. The senate, therefore, immediately sent letters to the camp, recalling the consuls to Rome with all possible speed, and commanding them to forbear from acting against the enemies, and to abdicate the consulship on the first opportunity. These letters being brought to Flaminius, he deferred to open them till, having defeated and put to flight the enemy's forces, he wasted and ravaged their borders. The people, therefore, did not go forth to meet him when he returned with huge spoils nay, because he had not instantly obeyed the command in the letters, by which he was recalled, but slighted and contemned them, they were very near denying him the honour of a triumph. Nor was the triumph sooner passed than they deposed him, with his colleague, from the magistracy, and reduced them to the state of private citizens. So much were all things at Rome made to depend upon religion they would not allow any contempt of the omens and the ancient rites, even though attended with the highest success: thinking it to be of more importance to the public safety that the magistrates should reverence the gods, than that they should overcome their enemies. Thus Tiberius Sempronius, whom for his probity and virtue the citizens highly esteemed, created Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius consuls to succeed him and when they were gone into their provinces, lit upon books concerning the religious observances, where he found something he had not known before which was this. When the consul took his auspices, he sat without the city in a house, or tent, hired for that occasion but, if it happened that he, for any urgent cause, returned into the city, without having yet seen any certain signs, he was obliged to leave that first building, or tent, and to seek another to repeat the survey from. Tiberius, it appears, in ignorance of this, had twice used the same building before announcing the new consuls. Now, understanding his error, he referred the matter to the senate: nor did the senate neglect this minute fault, but soon wrote expressly of it to Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius who, leaving their provinces and without delay returning to Rome, laid down their magistracy. This happened at a later period. About the same time, too, the priesthood was taken away from two men of very great honour, Cornelius Cethegus and Quintus Sulpicius: from the former, because he had not rightly held out the entrails of a beast slain for sacrifice from the latter, because, while he was immolating, the tufted cap which the Flamens wear had fallen from his head. Minucius, the dictator, who had already named Caius Flaminius master of the horse, they deposed from his command, because the squeak of a mouse was heard, and put others into their places. And yet, notwithstanding, by observing so anxiously these little niceties they did not run into any superstition, because they never varied from nor exceeded the observances of their ancestors.
So soon as Flaminius with his colleague had resigned the consulate, Marcellus was declared consul by the presiding officers called Interrexes and, entering into the magistracy, chose Cnaeus Cornelius his colleague. There was a report that, the Gauls proposing a pacification, and the senate also inclining to peace, Marcellus inflamed the people to war but a peace appears to have been agreed upon, which the Gaesatae broke who, passing the Alps, stirred up the Insubrians (they being thirty thousand in number, and the Insubrians more numerous by far) and proud of their strength, marched directly to Acerrae, a city seated on the north of the river Po. From thence Britomartus, king of the Gaesatae, taking with him ten thousand soldiers, harassed the country round about. News of which being brought to Marcellus, leaving his colleague at Acerrae with the foot and all the heavy arms and a third part of the horse, and carrying with him the rest of the horse and six hundred light-armed foot, marching night and day without remission, he stayed not till he came up to these ten thousand near a Gaulish village called Clastidium, which not long before had been reduced under the Roman jurisdiction. Nor had he time to refresh his soldiers or to give them rest. For the barbarians, that were then present, immediately observed his approach, and contemned him, because he had very few foot with him. The Gauls were singularly skilful in horsemanship, and thought to excel in it and as at present they also exceeded Marcellus in number, they made no account of him. They, therefore, with their king at their head, instantly charged upon him, as if they would trample him under their horses' feet, threatening all kinds of cruelties. Marcellus, because his men were few, that they might not be encompassed and charged on all sides by the enemy, extended his wings of horse, and, riding about, drew out his wings of foot in length, till he came near to the enemy. Just as he was in the act of turning round to face the enemy, it so happened that his horse, startled with their fierce look and their cries, gave back, and carried him forcibly aside. Fearing lest this accident, if converted into an omen, might discourage his soldiers, he quickly brought his horse round to confront the enemy, and made a gesture of adoration to the sun, as if he had wheeled about not by chance, but for a purpose of devotion. For it was customary to the Romans, when they offered worship to the gods, to turn round and in this moment of meeting the enemy, he is said to have vowed the best of the arms to Jupiter Feretrius.
The king of the Gauls beholding Marcellus, and from the badges of his authority conjecturing him to be the general, advanced some way before his embattled army, and with a loud voice challenged him, and, brandishing his lance, fiercely ran in full career at him exceeding the rest of the Gauls in stature, and with his armour, that was adorned with gold and silver and various colours, shining like lightning. These arms seeming to Marcellus, while he viewed the enemy's army drawn up in battalia, to be the best and fairest, and thinking them to be those he had vowed to Jupiter, he instantly ran upon the king, and pierced through his breastplate with his lance then pressing upon him with the weight of his horse, threw him to the ground, and with two or three strokes more slew him. Immediately he leapt from his horse, laid his hand upon the dead king's arm and, looking up towards Heaven, thus spoke: "O Jupiter Feretrius, arbiter of the exploits of captains, and of the acts of commanders in war and battles, be thou witness that I, a general, have slain a general: I, a consul, have slain a king with my own hand, third of all the Romans and that to thee I consecrate these first and most excellent of the spoils. Grant to us to despatch the relics of the war with the same course of fortune." Then the Roman horse joining battle not only with the enemy's horse, but also with the foot who attacked them, obtained a singular and unheard-of victory. For never before or since have so few horse defeated such numerous forces of horse and foot together. The enemies being to a great number slain, and the spoils collected, he returned to his colleague, who was conducting the war, with ill-success, against the enemies near the greatest and most populous of the Gallic cities, Milan. This was their capital, and, therefore, fighting valiantly in defence of it, they were not so much besieged by Cornelius, as they besieged him. But Marcellus having returned, and the Gaesatae retiring as soon as they were certified of the death of the king and the defeat of his army, Milan was taken. The rest of their towns, and all they had, the Gauls delivered up of their own accord to the Romans, and had peace upon equitable conditions granted to them.
Marcellus alone, by a decree of the senate, triumphed. The triumph was in magnificence, opulence, spoils, and the gigantic bodies of the captives most remarkable. But the most grateful and most rare spectacle of all was the general himself, carrying the arms of the barbarian king to the god to whom he had vowed them. He had taken a tall and straight stock of an oak, and had lopped and formed it to a trophy. Upon this he fastened and hung about the arms of the king, arranging all the pieces in their suitable places. The procession advancing solemnly, he, carrying this trophy, ascended the chariot and thus, himself the fairest and most glorious triumphant image, was conveyed into the city. The army adorned with shining armour followed in order, and with verses composed for the occasion, and with songs of victory celebrated the praises of Jupiter and of their general. Then entering the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he dedicated his gift the third, and to our memory the last, that ever did so. The first was Romulus, after having slain Acron, king of the Caeninenses: the second, Cornelius Cossus, who slew Tolumnius the Etruscan: after them Marcellus, having killed Britomartus, king of the Gauls after Marcellus, no man. The god to whom these spoils were consecrated is called Jupiter Feretrius, from the trophy carried on the feretrum, one of the Greek words which at that time still existed in great numbers in Latin: or, as others say, it is the surname of the Thundering Jupiter derived from ferire, to strike. Others there are who would have the name to be deduced from the strokes that are given in fight since even now in battles, when they press upon their enemies, they constantly call out to each other, strike, in Latin feri. Spoils in general they call Spolia, and these in particular Opima though, indeed, they say that Numa Pompilius, in his commentaries, makes mention of first, second, and third Spolia Opima and that he prescribes that the first taken be consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius, the second to Mars, the third to Quirinus as also that the reward of the first be three hundred asses of the second, two hundred of the third, one hundred. The general account, however, prevails, that those spoils only are Opima which the general first takes in set battle, and takes from the enemy's chief captain whom he has slain with his own hand. But of this enough. The victory and the ending of the war was so welcome to the people of Rome, that they sent to Apollo of Delphi, in testimony of their gratitude, a present of a golden cup of an hundred pound weight, and gave a great part of the spoil to their associate cities, and took care that many presents should be sent also to Hiero, King of the Syracusans, their friend and ally.
When Hannibal invaded Italy, Marcellus was despatched with a fleet to Sicily. And when the army had been defeated at Cannae, and many thousands of them perished, and a few had saved themselves by flying to Canusium, and all feared lest Hannibal, who had destroyed the strength of the Roman army, should advance at once with his victorious troops to Rome, Marcellus first sent for the protection of the city fifteen hundred soldiers from the fleet. Then, by decree of the senate, going to Canusium, having heard that many of the soldiers had come together in that place, he led them out of the fortifications to prevent the enemy from ravaging the country. The chief Roman commanders had most of them fallen in battles and the citizens complained that the extreme caution of Fabius Maximus, whose integrity and wisdom gave him the highest authority, verged upon timidity and inaction. They confided in him to keep them out of danger, but could not expect that he would enable them to retaliate. Fixing, therefore, their thoughts upon Marcellus, and hoping to combine his boldness, confidence, and promptitude with Fabius's caution and prudence, and to temper the one by the other, they sent, sometimes both with consular command, sometimes one as consul, the other as proconsul, against the enemy. Posidonius writes, that Fabius was called the buckler, Marcellus the sword of Rome. Certainly, Hannibal himself confessed that he feared Fabius as a schoolmaster, Marcellus as an adversary: the former, lest he should be hindered from doing mischief the latter, lest he should receive harm himself.
And first, when among Hannibal's soldiers, proud of their victory, carelessness and boldness had grown to a great height, Marcellus, attacking all their stragglers and plundering parties, cut them off, and by little and little diminished their forces. Then carrying aid to the Neopolitans and Nolans, he confirmed the minds of the former, who, indeed, were of their own accord faithful enough to the Romans but in Nola he found a state of discord, the senate not being able to rule and keep in the common people, who were generally favourers of Hannibal. There was in the town one Bantius, a man renowned for his high birth and courage. This man, after he had fought most fiercely at Cannae, and had killed many of the enemies, at last was found lying in a heap of dead bodies, covered with darts, and was brought to Hannibal, who so honoured him, that he not only dismissed him without ransom, but also contracted friendship with him, and made him his guest. In gratitude for this great favour, he became one of the strongest partisans of Hannibal, and urged the people to revolt. Marcellus could not be induced to put to death a man of such eminence, and who had endured such dangers in fighting on the Roman side but, knowing himself able, by the general kindliness of his disposition, and in particular by the attractiveness of his address, to gain over a character whose passion was for honour, one day when Bantius saluted him, he asked him who he was not that he knew him not before, but seeking an occasion of further conference. When Bantius had told who he was, Marcellus, seeming surprised with joy and wonder, replied: "Are you that Bantius whom the Romans commend above the rest that fought at Cannae, and praise as the one man that not only did not forsake the consul Paulus Aemilius, but received in his own body many darts thrown at him?" Bantius owning himself to be that very man, and showing his scars: "Why, then," said Marcellus, "did not you, having such proofs to show of your affection to us, come to me at my first arrival here? Do you think that we are unwilling to requite with favour those who have well deserved, and who are honoured even by our enemies?" He followed up his courtesies by a present of a war-horse and five hundred drachmas in money. From that time Bantius became the most faithful assistant and ally of Marcellus, and a most keen discoverer of those that attempted innovation and sedition.
These were many, and had entered into a conspiracy to plunder the baggage of the Romans, when they should make an irruption against the enemy. Marcellus, therefore, having marshalled his army within the city, placed the baggage near to the gates, and, by an edict, forbade the Nolans to go to the walls. Thus, outside the city, no arms could be seen by which prudent device he allured Hannibal to move with his army in some disorder to the city, thinking that things were in a tumult there. Then Marcellus, the nearest gate being, as he had commanded, thrown open, issuing forth with the flower of his horse in front, charged the enemy. By and by the foot, sallying out of another gate, with a loud shout joined in the battle. And while Hannibal opposes part of his forces to these, the third gate also is opened, out of which the rest break forth, and on all quarters fall upon the enemies, who were dismayed at this unexpected encounter, and did but feebly resist those with whom they had been first engaged, because of their attack by these others who sallied out later. Here Hannibal's soldiers, with much bloodshed and many wounds, were beaten back to their camp, and for the first time turned their backs to the Romans. There fell in this action, as it is related, more than five thousand of them of the Romans, not above five hundred. Livy does not affirm that either the victory or the slaughter of the enemy was so great but certain it is that the adventure brought great glory to Marcellus, and to the Romans, after their calamities, a great revival of confidence, as they began now to entertain a hope that the enemy with whom they contended was not invincible, but liable like themselves to defeats.
Therefore, the other consul being deceased, the people recalled Marcellus, that they might put him into his place and, in spite of the magistrates, succeeded in postponing the election till his arrival, when he was by all the suffrages created consul. But because it happened to thunder, the augurs accounting that he was not legitimately created, and yet not daring, for fear of the people, to declare their sentence openly, Marcellus voluntarily resigned the consulate, retaining however his command. Being created proconsul, and returning to the camp at Nola, he proceeded to harass those that followed the party of the Carthaginians on whose coming with speed to succour them, Marcellus declined a challenge to a set battle, but when Hannibal had sent out a party to plunder, and now expected no fight, he broke out upon him with his army. He had distributed to the foot long lances, such as are commonly used in naval fights and instructed them to throw them with great force at convenient distances against the enemies, who were inexperienced in that way of darting, and used to fight with short darts hand to hand. This seems to have been the cause of the total rout and open flight of all the Carthaginians who were then engaged there fell of them five thousand four elephants were killed, and two taken but what was of the greatest moment, on the third day after, more than three hundred horse, Spaniards and Numidians mixed, deserted to him, a disaster that had never to that day happened to Hannibal, who had kept together in harmony an army of barbarians, collected out of many various and discordant nations. Marcellus and his successors in all this war made good use of the faithful service of these horsemen.
He now was a third time created consul, and sailed over into Sicily. For the success of Hannibal had excited the Carthaginians to lay claim to that whole island chiefly because, after the murder of the tyrant Hieronymus, all things had been in tumult and confusion at Syracuse. For which reason the Romans also had sent before to that city a force under the conduct of Appius, as praetor. While Marcellus was receiving that army, a number of Roman soldiers cast themselves at his feet, upon occasion of the following calamity. Of those that survived the battle at Cannae, some had escaped by flight, and some were taken alive by the enemy so great a multitude, that it was thought there were not remaining Romans enough to defend the wall of the city. And yet the magnanimity and constancy of the city was such, that it would not redeem the captives from Hannibal, though it might have done so for a small ransom a decree of the senate forbade it, and chose rather to leave them to be killed by the enemy, or sold out of Italy and commanded that all who had saved themselves by flight should be transported into Sicily, and not permitted to return into Italy, until the war with Hannibal should be ended. These, therefore, when Marcellus was arrived in Sicily, addressed themselves to him in great numbers and casting themselves at his feet, with much lamentation and tears humbly besought him to admit them to honourable service and promised to make it appear by their future fidelity and exertions that that defeat had been received rather by misfortune than by cowardice. Marcellus, pitying them, petitioned the senate by letters, that he might have leave at all times to recruit his legions out of them. After much debate about the thing, the senate decreed they were of opinion that the commonwealth did not require the service of cowardly soldiers if Marcellus perhaps thought otherwise, he might make use of them, provided no one of them be honoured on any occasion with a crown or military gift, as a reward of his virtue or courage. This decree stung Marcellus and on his return to Rome, after the Sicilian war was ended, he upbraided the senate that they had denied to him, who had so highly deserved of the republic, liberty to relieve so great a number of citizens in great calamity.
At this time Marcellus, first incensed by injuries done him by Hippocrates, commander of the Syracusans (who, to give proof of his good affection to the Carthaginians, and to acquire the tyranny to himself, had killed a number of Romans at Leontini), besieged and took by force the city of Leontini yet violated none of the townsmen only deserters, as many as he took, he subjected to the punishment of the rods and axe. But Hippocrates, sending a report to Syracuse, that Marcellus had put all the adult population to the sword, and then coming upon the Syracusans, who had risen in tumult upon that false report, made himself master of the city. Upon this Marcellus moved with his whole army to Syracuse, and encamping near the wall, sent ambassadors into the city to relate to the Syracusans the truth of what had been done in Leontini. When these could not prevail by treaty, the whole power being now in the hands of Hippocrates, he proceeded to attack the city both by land and by sea. The land forces were conducted by Appius: Marcellus, with sixty galleys, each with five rows of oars, furnished with all sorts of arms and missiles, and a huge bridge of planks laid upon eight ships chained together, upon which was carried the engine to cast stones and darts, assaulted the walls, relying on the abundance and magnificence of his preparations, and on his own previous glory all which, however, were, it would seem, but trifles for Archimedes and his machines.
These machines he had designed and contrived, not as matters of any importance, but as mere amusements in geometry in compliance with King Hiero's desire and request, some little time before, that he should reduce to practice some part of his admirable speculation in science, and by accommodating the theoretic truth to sensation and ordinary use, bring it more within the appreciation of the people in general. Eudoxus and Archytas had been the first originators of this far-famed and highly-prized art of mechanics, which they employed as an elegant illustration of geometrical truths, and as means of sustaining experimentally, to the satisfaction of the senses, conclusions too intricate for proof by words and diagrams. As, for example, to solve the problem, so often required in constructing geometrical figures, given the two extremes, to find the two mean lines of a proportion, both these mathematicians had recourse to the aid of instruments, adapting to their purpose certain curves and sections of lines. But what with Plato's indignation at it, and his invectives against it as the mere corruption and annihilation of the one good of geometry, which was thus shamefully turning its back upon the unembodied objects of pure intelligence to recur to sensation, and to ask help (not to be obtained without base supervisions and depravation) from matter so it was that mechanics came to be separated from geometry, and, repudiated and neglected by philosophers, took its place as a military art. Archimedes, however, in writing to King Hiero, whose friend and near relation he was, had stated that given the force, any given weight might be moved, and even boasted, we are told, relying on the strength of demonstration, that if there were another earth, by going into it he could remove this. Hiero being struck with amazement at this, and entreating him to make good this problem by actual experiment, and show some great weight moved by a small engine, he fixed accordingly upon a ship of burden out of the king's arsenal, which could not be drawn out of the dock without great labour and many men and, loading her with many passengers and a full freight, sitting himself the while far off, with no great endeavour, but only holding the head of the pulley in his hand and drawing the cords by degrees, he drew the ship in a straight line, as smoothly and evenly as if she had been in the sea. The king, astonished at this, and convinced of the power of the art, prevailed upon Archimedes to make him engines accommodated to all the purposes, offensive and defensive, of a siege. These the king himself never made use of, because he spent almost all his life in a profound quiet and the highest affluence. But the apparatus was, in most opportune time, ready at hand for the Syracusans, and with it also the engineer himself.
When, therefore, the Romans assaulted the walls in two places at once, fear and consternation stupefied the Syracusans, believing that nothing was able to resist that violence and those forces. But when Archimedes began to ply his engines, he at once shot against the land forces all sorts of missile weapons, and immense masses of stone that came down with incredible noise and violence against which no man could stand for they knocked down those upon whom they fell in heaps, breaking all their ranks and files. In the meantime huge poles thrust out from the walls over the ships sunk some by the great weights which they let down from on high upon them others they lifted up into the air by an iron hand or beak like a crane's beak and, when they had drawn them up by the prow, and set them on end upon the poop, they plunged them to the bottom of the sea or else the ships, drawn by engines within, and whirled about, were dashed against steep rocks that stood jutting out under the walls, with great destruction of the soldiers that were aboard them. A ship was frequently lifted up to a great height in the air (a dreadful thing to behold), and was rolled to and fro, and kept swinging, until the mariners were all thrown out, when at length it was dashed against the rocks, or let fall. At the engine that Marcellus brought upon the bridge of ships, which was called Sambuca, from some resemblance it had to an instrument of music, while it was as yet approaching the wall, there was discharged a piece of rock of ten talents weight, then a second and a third, which, striking upon it with immense force and a noise like thunder, broke all its foundation to pieces, shook out all its fastenings, and completely dislodged it from the bridge. So Marcellus, doubtful what counsel to pursue, drew off his ships to a safer distance, and sounded a retreat to his forces on land. They then took a resolution of coming up under the walls, if it were possible, in the night thinking that as Archimedes used ropes stretched at length in playing his engines, the soldiers would now be under the shot, and the darts would, for want of sufficient distance to throw them, fly over their heads without effect. But he, it appeared, had long before framed for such occasions engines accommodated to any distance, and shorter weapons and had made numerous small openings in the walls, through which, with engines of a shorter range, unexpected blows were inflicted on the assailants. Thus, when they who thought to deceive the defenders came close up to the walls, instantly a shower of darts and other missile weapons was again cast upon them. And when stones came tumbling down perpendicularly upon their heads, and, as it were, the whole wall shot out arrows at them, they retired. And now, again, as they were going off, arrows and darts of a longer range inflicted a great slaughter among them, and their ships were driven one against another while they themselves were not able to retaliate in any way. For Archimedes had provided and fixed most of his engines immediately under the wall whence the Romans, seeing that indefinite mischief overwhelmed them from no visible means, began to think they were fighting with the gods.
Yet Marcellus escaped unhurt, and deriding his own artificers and engineers, "What," said he, "must we give up fighting with this geometrical Briareus, who plays pitch-and-toss with our ships, and, with the multitude of darts which he showers at a single moment upon us, really outdoes the hundred-handed giants of mythology?" And, doubtless, the rest of the Syracusans were but the body of Archimedes's designs, one soul moving and governing all for, laying aside all other arms, with this alone they infested the Romans and protected themselves. In fine, when such terror had seized upon the Romans, that, if they did but see a little rope or a piece of wood from the wall, instantly crying out, that there it was again, Archimedes was about to let fly some engine at them, they turned their backs and fled, Marcellus desisted from conflicts and assaults, putting all his hope in a long siege. Yet Archimedes possessed so high a spirit, so profound a soul, and such treasures of scientific knowledge, that though these inventions had now obtained him the renown of more than human sagacity, he yet would not deign to leave behind him any commentary or writing on such subjects but, repudiating as sordid and ignoble the whole trade of engineering, and every sort of art that lends itself to mere use and profit, he placed his whole affection and ambition in those purer speculations where there can be no reference to the vulgar needs of life studies, the superiority of which to all others is unquestioned, and in which the only doubt can be whether the beauty and grandeur of the subjects examined, of the precision and cogency of the methods and means of proof, most deserve our admiration. It is not possible to find in all geometry more difficult and intricate questions, or more simple and lucid explanations. Some ascribe this to his natural genius while others think that incredible effort and toil produced these, to all appearances, easy and unlaboured results. No amount of investigation of yours would succeed in attaining the proof, and yet, once seen, you immediately believe you would have discovered it by so smooth and so rapid a path he leads you to the conclusion required. And thus it ceases to be incredible that (as is commonly told of him) the charm of his familiar and domestic Siren made him forget his food and neglect his person, to that degree that when he was occasionally carried by absolute violence to bathe or have his body anointed, he used to trace geometrical figures in the ashes of the fire, and diagrams in the oil on his body, being in a state of entire preoccupation, and, in the truest sense, divine possession with his love and delight in science. His discoveries were numerous and admirable but he is said to have requested his friends and relations that, when he was dead, they would place over his tomb a sphere containing a cylinder, inscribing it with the ratio which the containing solid bears to the contained.
Such was Archimedes, who now showed himself, and so far as lay in him the city also, invincible. While the siege continued, Marcellus took Megara, one of the earliest founded of the Greek cities in Sicily, and capturing also the camp of Hippocrates at Acilae, killed above eight thousand men, having attacked them whilst they were engaged in forming their fortifications. He overran a great part of Sicily gained over many towns from the Carthaginians, and overcame all that dared to encounter him. As the siege went on, one Damippus, a Lacedaemonian, putting to sea in a ship from Syracuse, was taken. When the Syracusans much desired to redeem this man, and there were many meetings and treaties about the matter betwixt them and Marcellus, he had opportunity to notice a tower into which a body of men might be secretly introduced, as the wall near to it was not difficult to surmount, and it was itself carelessly guarded. Coming often thither, and entertaining conferences about the release of Damippus, he had pretty well calculated the height of the tower, and got ladders prepared. The Syracusans celebrated a feast to Diana this juncture of time, when they were given up entirely to wine and sport, Marcellus laid hold of, and before the citizens perceived it, not only possessed himself of the tower, but, before the break of day, filled the wall around with soldiers, and made his way into the Hexapylum. The Syracusans now beginning to stir, and to be alarmed at the tumult, he ordered the trumpets everywhere to sound, and thus frightened them all into flight, as if all parts of the city were already won, though the most fortified, and the fairest, and most ample quarter was still ungained. It is called Acradina, and was divided by a wall from the outer city, one part of which they call Neapolis, the other Tycha. Possessing himself of these, Marcellus, about break of day, entered through the Hexapylum, all his officers congratulating him. But looking down from the higher places upon the beautiful and spacious city below, he is said to have wept much, commiserating the calamity that hung over it, when his thoughts represented to him how dismal and foul the face of the city would be in a few hours, when plundered and sacked by the soldiers. For among the officers of his army there was not one man that durst deny the plunder of the city to the soldiers' demands nay, many were instant that it should be set on fire and laid level to the ground: but this Marcellus would not listen to. Yet he granted, but with great unwillingness and reluctance, that the money and slaves should be made prey giving orders, at the same time, that none should violate any free person, nor kill, misuse, or make a slave of any of the Syracusans. Though he had used this moderation, he still esteemed the condition of that city to be pitiable, and, even amidst the congratulations and joy, showed his strong feelings of sympathy and commiseration at seeing all the riches accumulated during a long felicity now dissipated in an hour. For it is related that no less prey and plunder was taken here than afterward in Carthage. For not long after they obtained also the plunder of the other parts of the city, which were taken by treachery leaving nothing untouched but the king's money, which was brought into the public treasury. But nothing afflicted Marcellus so much as the death of Archimedes, who was then, as fate would have it, intent upon working out some problem by a diagram, and having fixed his mind alike and his eyes upon the subject of his speculation, he never noticed the incursion of the Romans, nor that the city was taken. In this transport of study and contemplation, a soldier, unexpectedly coming up to him, commanded him to follow to Marcellus which he declining to do before he had worked out his problem to a demonstration, the soldier, enraged, drew his sword and ran him through. Others write that a Roman soldier, running upon him with a drawn sword, offered to kill him and that Archimedes, looking back, earnestly besought him to hold his hand a little while, that he might not leave what he was then at work upon inconclusive and imperfect but the soldier, nothing moved by his entreaty, instantly killed him. Others again relate that, as Archimedes was carrying to Marcellus mathematical instruments, dials, spheres, and angles, by which the magnitude of the sun might be measured to the sight, some soldiers seeing him, and thinking that he carried gold in a vessel, slew him. Certain it is that his death was very afflicting to Marcellus and that Marcellus ever after regarded him that killed him as a murderer and that he sought for his kindred and honoured them with signal favours.
Indeed, foreign nations had held the Romans to be excellent soldiers and formidable in battle but they had hitherto given no memorable example of gentleness, or humanity, or civil virtue and Marcellus seems first to have shown to the Greeks that his countrymen were most illustrious for their justice. For such was his moderation to all with whom he had anything to do, and such his benignity also to many cities and private men, that, if anything hard or severe was decreed concerning the people of Enna, Megara, or Syracuse, the blame was thought to belong rather to those upon whom the storm fell, than to those who brought it upon them. One example of many I will commemorate. In Sicily there is a town called Engyum, not indeed great, but very ancient and ennobled by the presence of the goddesses, called the Mothers. The temple, they say, was built by the Cretans and they show some spears and brazen helmets, inscribed with the names of Meriones, and (with the same spelling as in Latin) of Ulysses, who consecrated them to the goddesses. This city highly favouring the party of the Carthaginians, Nicias, the most eminent of the citizens, counselled them to go over to the Romans to that end acting freely and openly in harangues to their assemblies, arguing the imprudence and madness of the opposite course. They, fearing his power and authority, resolved to deliver him in bonds to the Carthaginians. Nicias, detecting the design, and seeing that his person was secretly kept in watch, proceeded to speak irreligiously to the vulgar of the Mothers, and showed many signs of disrespect, as if he denied and contemned the received opinion of the presence of those goddesses his enemies the while rejoicing that he, of his own accord, sought the destruction hanging over his head. When they were just now about to lay hands upon him, an assembly was held, and here Nicias, making a speech to the people concerning some affair then under deliberation, in the midst of his address, cast himself upon the ground and soon after, while amazement (as usually happens on such surprising occasions) held the assembly immovable, raising and turning his head round, he began in a trembling and deep tone, but by degrees raised and sharpened his voice. When he saw the whole theatre struck with horror and silence, throwing off his mantle and rending his tunic he leaps up half naked, and runs towards the door, crying out aloud that he was driven by the wrath of the Mothers. When no man durst, out of religious fear, lay hands upon him or stop him, but all gave way before him, he ran out of the gate, not omitting any shriek or gesture of men possessed and mad. His wife, conscious of his counterfeiting, and privy to his design, taking her children with her, first cast herself as a suppliant before the temple of the goddesses then, pretending to seek her wandering husband, no man hindering her, went out of the town in safety and by this means they all escaped to Marcellus at Syracuse. After many other such affronts offered him by the men of Engyum, Marcellus, having taken them all prisoners and cast them into bonds, was preparing to inflict upon them the last punishment when Nicias, with tears in his eyes, addressed himself to him. In fine, casting himself at Marcellus's feet, and deprecating for his citizens, he begged most earnestly their lives, chiefly those of his enemies. Marcellus, relenting, set them all at liberty, and rewarded Nicias with ample lands and rich presents. This history is recorded by Posidonius the philosopher.
Marcellus, at length recalled by the people of Rome to the immediate war at home, to illustrate his triumph, and adorn the city, carried away with him a great number of the most beautiful ornaments of Syracuse. For, before that, Rome neither had, nor had seen, any of those fine and exquisite rarities nor was any pleasure taken in graceful and elegant pieces of workmanship. Stuffed with barbarous arms and spoils stained with blood, and everywhere crowned with triumphal memorials and trophies, she was no pleasant or delightful spectacle for the eyes of peaceful or refined spectators but, as Epaminondas named the fields of Boeotia the stage of Mars and Xenophon called Ephesus the workhouse of war so, in my judgment, may you call Rome, at that time (to use the words of Pindar), "the precinct of the peaceless Mars." Whence Marcellus was more popular with the people in general, because he had adorned the city with beautiful objects that had all the charms of Grecian grace and symmetry but Fabius Maximus, who neither touched nor brought away anything of this kind from Tarentum, when he had taken it, was more approved of by the elder men. He carried off the money and valuables, but forbade the statues to be moved adding, as it is commonly related, "Let us leave to the Tarentines these offended gods." They blamed Marcellus, first for placing the city in an invidious position, as it seemed now to celebrate victories and lead processions of triumph, not only over men, but also over the gods as captives then, that he had diverted to idleness, and vain talk about curious arts and artificers, the common people, which, bred up in wars and agriculture, had never tasted of luxury and sloth, and, as Euripides said of Hercules, had been-
"Rude, unrefined, only for great things good," so that now they misspent much of their time in examining and criticizing trifles. And yet, notwithstanding this reprimand, Marcellus made it his glory to the Greeks themselves, that he had taught his ignorant countrymen to esteem and admire the elegant and wonderful productions of Greece.
But when the envious opposed his being brought triumphant into the city, because there were some relics of the war in Sicily, and a third triumph would be looked upon with jealousy, he gave way. He triumphed upon the Alban mount, and thence entered the city in ovation, as it is called in Latin, in Greek eua but in this ovation he was neither carried in a chariot, nor crowned with laurel, nor ushered by trumpets sounding but went afoot with shoes on, many flutes or pipes sounding in concert, while he passed along, wearing a garland of myrtle, in a peaceable aspect, exciting rather love and respect than fear. Whence I am, by conjecture, led to think that, originally, the difference observed betwixt ovation and triumph did not depend upon the greatness of the achievements, but the manner of performing them. For they who, having fought a set battle, and slain the enemy, returned victors, led that martial, terrible triumph, and, as the ordinary custom then was in lustrating the army, adorned the arms and the soldiers with a great deal of laurel. But they who without force, by colloquy, persuasion, and reasoning, had done the business, to these captains custom gave the honour of the unmilitary and festive ovation. For the pipe is the badge of peace, and myrtle the plant of Venus, who more than the rest of the gods and goddesses abhors force and war. It is called ovation, not as most think, from the Greek euasmus, because they act it with shouting and cries of Eua: for so do they also the proper triumphs. The Greeks have wrested the word to their own language, thinking that this honour, also, must have some connection with Bacchus, who in Greek has the titles of Euius and Thriambus. But the thing is otherwise. For it was the custom for commanders, in their triumph, to immolate an ox, but in their ovation, a sheep: hence they named it Ovation, from the Latin ovis. It is worth observing, how exactly opposite the sacrifices appointed by the Spartan legislator are to those of the Romans. For at Lacedaemon, a captain, who had performed the work he had undertook by cunning, or courteous treaty, on laying down his command, immolated an ox he that did the business by battle, offered a cock the Lacedaemonians, though most warlike, thinking exploit performed by reason and wisdom to be more excellent and more congruous to man, than one effected by mere force and courage. Which of the two is to be preferred I leave to the determination of others.
Marcellus being the fourth time consul, his enemies suborned the Syracusans to come to Rome to accuse him, and to complain that they had suffered indignities and wrongs, contrary to the conditions granted them. It happened that Marcellus was in the capitol offering sacrifice when the Syracusans petitioned the senate, yet sitting, that they might have leave to accuse him and present their grievances. Marcellus's colleague, eager to protect him in his absence, put them out of the court. But Marcellus himself came as soon as he heard of it. And first, in his curule chair as consul, he referred to the senate the cognizance of other matters: but when these were transacted, rising from his seat, he passed as a private man into the place where the accused were wont to make their defence, and gave free liberty to the Syracusans to impeach him. But they, struck with consternation by his majesty and confidence, stood astonished and the power of his presence now, in his robe of state, appeared far more terrible and severe than it had done when he was arrayed in armour. Yet, reanimated at length by Marcellus's rivals, they began their impeachment, and made an oration in which pleas of justice mingled with lamentation and complaint the sum of which was, that being allies and friends of the people of Rome, they had, notwithstanding, suffered things which other commanders had abstained from inflicting upon enemies. To this Marcellus answered that they had committed many acts of hostility against the people of Rome, and had suffered nothing but what enemies conquered and captured in war cannot possibly be protected from suffering: that it was their own fault they had been made captives, because they refused to give ear to his frequent attempts to persuade them by gentle means: neither were they forced into war by the power of tyrants, but had rather chosen the tyrants themselves for the express object that they might make war. The orations ended, and the Syracusans, according to the custom, having retired, Marcellus left his colleague to ask the sentences, and, withdrawing with the Syracusans, stayed expecting at the doors of the senate-house not in the least discomposed in spirit, either with alarm at the accusation, or by anger against the Syracusans but with perfect calmness and serenity attending the issue of the cause. The sentences at length being all asked, and a decree of the senate made in vindication of Marcellus, the Syracusans, with tears flowing from their eyes, cast themselves at his knees, beseeching him to forgive themselves there present, and to be moved by the misery of the rest of their city, which would ever be mindful of, and grateful for, his benefits. Thus Marcellus, softened by their tears and distress, was not only reconciled to the deputies, but ever afterwards continued to find opportunity of doing kindness to the Syracusans. The liberty which he had restored to them, and their rights, laws, and goods that were left, the senate confirmed. Upon which account the Syracusans, besides other signal honours, made a law, that if Marcellus should at any time come into Sicily, or any of his posterity, the Syracusans should wear garlands and offer public sacrifice to the gods.
After this he moved against Hannibal. And whereas the other consuls and commanders, since the defeat received at Cannae, had all made use of the same policy against Hannibal, namely, to decline coming to a battle with him and none had had the courage to encounter him in the field and put themselves to the decision by the sword Marcellus entered upon the opposite course, thinking that Italy would be destroyed by the very delay by which they looked to wear out Hannibal and that Fabius, who, adhering to his cautious policy, waited to see the war extinguished, while Rome itself meantime wasted away (like timid physicians, who, dreading to administer remedies, stay waiting, and believe that what is the decay of the patient's strength is the decline of the disease), was not taking a right course to heal the sickness of his country. And first, the great cities of the Samnites, which had revolted, came into his power in which he found a large quantity of corn and money, and three thousand of Hannibal's soldiers, that were left for the defence. After this, the proconsul Cnaeus Fulvius with eleven tribunes of the soldiers being slain in Apulia, and the greatest part of the army also at the same time cut off, he despatched letters to Rome, and bade the people be of good courage, for that he was now upon the march against Hannibal, to turn his triumph into sadness. On these letters being read, Livy writes that the people were not only not encouraged, but more discouraged than before. For danger, they thought, was but the greater in proportion as Marcellus was of more value than Fulvius. He, as he had written, advancing into the territories of the Lucanians, came up to him at Numistro, and, the enemy keeping himself upon the hills, pitched his camp in a level plain, and the next day drew forth his army in order for fight. Nor did Hannibal refuse the challenge. They fought long and obstinately on both sides, victory yet seeming undecided, when, after three hours' conflict, night hardly parted them. The next day, as soon as the sun was risen, Marcellus again brought forth his troops, and ranged them among the dead bodies of the slain, challenging Hannibal to solve the question by another trial. When he dislodged and drew off, Marcellus, gathering up the spoils of the enemies, and burying the bodies of his slain soldiers, closely followed him. And though Hannibal often used stratagems, and laid ambushes to entrap Marcellus, yet he never could circumvent him. By skirmishes, meantime, in all of which he was superior, Marcellus gained himself such high repute, that, when the time of the Comitia at Rome was near at hand, the senate thought fit rather to recall the other consul from Sicily than to withdraw Marcellus from his conflict with Hannibal and on his arrival they bid him name Quintus Fulvius dictator. For the dictator is created neither by the people nor by the senate, but the consul of the praetor, before the popular assembly, pronounces him to be dictator whom he himself chooses. Hence he is called dictator, dicere meaning to name. Others say that he is named dictator because his word is a law, and he orders what he pleases, without submitting it to the vote. For the Romans call the orders of magistrates Edicts.
And now because Marcellus's colleague, who was recalled from Sicily, had a mind to name another man dictator, and would not be forced to change his opinion, he sailed away by night back to Sicily. So the common people made an order that Quintus Fulvius should be chosen dictator: and the senate, by an express, commanded Marcellus to nominate him. He obeying proclaimed him dictator according to the order of the people but the office of proconsul was continued to himself for a year. And having arranged with Fabius Maximus that, while he besieged Tarentum, he would, by following Hannibal and drawing him up and down, detain him from coming to the relief of the Tarentines, he overtook him at Canusium: and as Hannibal often shifted his camp, and still declined the combat, he everywhere sought to engage him. At last, pressing upon him while encamping, by light skirmishes he provoked him to a battle but night again divided them in the very heat of the conflict. The next day Marcellus again showed himself in arms, and brought up his forces in array. Hannibal, in extreme grief, called his Carthaginians together to an harangue: and vehemently prayed them to fight to-day worthily of all their former success "For you see," said he, "how, after such great victories, we have not liberty to respire, nor to repose ourselves, though victors unless we drive this man back." Then the two armies, joining battle, fought fiercely when the event of an untimely movement showed Marcellus to have been guilty of an error. The right wing being hard pressed upon, he commanded one of the legions to be brought up to the front. This change disturbing the array and posture of the legions gave the victory to the enemies and there fell two thousand seven hundred Romans. Marcellus, after he had retreated into his camp, called his soldiers together. "I see," said he, "many Roman arms and bodies, but I see not so much as one Roman." To their entreaties for his pardon, he returned a refusal while they remained beaten, but promised to give it so soon as they should overcome and he resolved to bring them into the field again the next day, that the fame of their victory might arrive at Rome before that of their flight. Dismissing the assembly, he commanded barley instead of wheat to be given to those companies that had turned their backs. These rebukes were so bitter to the soldiers, that though a great number of them were grievously wounded, yet they relate there was not one to whom the general's oration was not more painful and smarting than his wounds.
The day breaking, a scarlet toga, the sign of instant battle, was displayed. The companies marked with ignominy begged they might be posted in the foremost place, and obtained their request. Then the tribunes bring forth the rest of the forces, and draw them up. On news of which, "O strange!" said Hannibal, "what will you do with this man, who can bear neither good nor bad fortune? He is the only man who neither suffers us to rest when he is victor, nor rests himself when he is overcome. We shall have, it seems, perpetually to fight with him as in good success his confidence, and in ill success his shame, still urges him to some further enterprise." Then the armies engaged. When the fight was doubtful, Hannibal commanded the elephants to be brought into the first battalion, and to be driven upon the van of the Romans. When the beasts, trampling upon many, soon caused disorder, Flavius, a tribune of soldiers, snatching an ensign, meets them, and wounding the first elephant with the spike at the bottom of the ensign staff, puts him to flight. The beast turned around upon the next, and drove back both him and the rest that followed. Marcellus, seeing this, pours in his horse with great force upon the elephants, and upon the enemy disordered by their flight. The horse, making a fierce impression, pursued the Carthaginians home to their camp, while the elephants, wounded and running upon their own party, caused a considerable slaughter. It is said more than eight thousand were slain of the Roman army three thousand, and almost all wounded. This gave Hannibal opportunity to retire in the silence of the night, and to remove to greater distance from Marcellus who was kept from pursuing by the number of his wounded men, and removed, by gentle marches, into Campania, and spent the summer at Sinuessa, engaged in restoring them.
But as Hannibal, having disentangled himself from Marcellus, ranged with his army round about the country, and wasted Italy free from all fear, at Rome Marcellus was evil spoken of. His detractors induced Publicius Bibulus, tribune of the people, an eloquent and violent man, to undertake his accusation. He, by assiduous harangues, prevailed upon the people to withdraw from Marcellus the command of the army "Seeing that Marcellus," said he, "after brief exercise in the war, has withdrawn as it might be from the wrestling ground to the warm baths to refresh himself." Marcellus, on hearing this, appointed lieutenants over his camp and hasted to Rome to refute the charges against him: and there found ready drawn up an impeachment consisting of these calumnies. At the day prefixed, in the Flaminian circus, into which place the people had assembled themselves, Bibulus rose and accused him. Marcellus himself answered, briefly and simply, but the first and most approved men of the city spoke largely and in high terms, very freely advising the people not to show themselves worse judges than the enemy, condemning Marcellus of timidity, from whom alone of all their captains the enemy fled, and as perpetually endeavoured to avoid fighting with him as to fight with others. When they made an end of speaking, the accuser's hope to obtain judgment so far deceived him, that Marcellus was not only absolved, but the fifth time created consul.
No sooner had he entered upon this consulate, but he suppressed a great commotion in Etruria, that had proceeded near to revolt, and visited and quieted the cities. Then, when the dedication of the temple, which he had vowed out of his Sicilian spoils to Honour and Virtue, was objected to by the priests, because they denied that one temple could be lawfully dedicated to two gods, he began to adjoin another to it, resenting the priests' opposition, and almost converting the thing into an omen. And, truly, many other prodigies also affrighted him some temples had been struck with lightning, and in Jupiter's temple mice had gnawed the gold: it was reported, also, that an ox had spoken, and that a boy had been born with a head like an elephant's. All which prodigies had indeed been attended to, but due reconciliation had not been obtained from the gods. The aruspices therefore detained him at Rome, glowing and burning with desire to return to the war. For no man was ever inflamed with so great desire of anything as was he to fight a battle with Hannibal. It was the subject of his dreams in the night, the topic of all his consultations with his friends and familiars, nor did he present to the gods any other wish, but that he might meet Hannibal in the field. And I think that he would most gladly have set upon him, with both armies environed within a single camp. Had he not been even loaded with honours, and had he not given proofs in many ways of his maturity of judgment and of prudence equal to that of any commander, you might have said that he was agitated by a youthful ambition, above what became a man of that age, for he had passed the sixtieth year of his life when he began his fifth consulship.
The sacrifices having been offered, and all that belonged to the propitiation of the gods performed, according to the prescription of the diviners, he at last with his colleague went forth to carry on the war. He tried all possible means to provoke Hannibal, who at that time had a standing camp betwixt Bantia and Venusia. Hannibal declined an engagement, but having obtained intelligence that some troops were on their way to the town of Locri Epizephyrii, placing an ambush under the little hill of Petelia, he slew two thousand five hundred soldiers. This incensed Marcellus to revenge and he therefore moved nearer Hannibal. Betwixt the two camps was a little hill, a tolerably secure post, covered with wood it had steep descents on either side, and there were springs of water seen trickling down. This place was so fit and advantageous that the Romans wondered that Hannibal, who had come thither before them, had not seized upon it, but had left it to the enemies. But to him the place had seemed commodious indeed for a camp, but yet more commodious for an ambuscade and to that use he chose to put it. So in the wood and the hollows he hid a number of archers and spearmen, confident that the commodiousness of the place would allure the Romans. Nor was he deceived in his expectation. For presently in the Roman camp they talked and disputed, as if they had all been captains, how the place ought to be seized, and what great advantage they should thereby gain upon the enemies, chiefly if they transferred their camp thither, at any rate, if they strengthened the place with a fort. Marcellus resolved to go, with a few horse, to view it. Having called a diviner he proceeded to sacrifice. In the first victim the aruspex showed him the liver without a head in the second the head appeared of unusual size, and all the other indications highly promising. When these seemed sufficient to free them from the dread of the former, the diviners declared that they were all the more terrified by the latter because entrails too fair and promising, when they appear after others that are maimed and monstrous, render the change doubtful and suspicious. But-
"Nor fire nor brazen wall can keep out fate" as Pindar observes. Marcellus, therefore, taking with him his colleague Crispinus, and his son, a tribune of soldiers, with two hundred and twenty horse at most (among whom there was not one Roman, but all were Etruscans, except forty Fregellans, of whose courage and fidelity he had on all occasions received full proof), goes to view the place. The hill was covered with woods all over on the top of it sat a scout concealed from the sight of the enemy, but having the Roman camp exposed to his view. Upon signs received from him, the men that were placed in ambush stirred not till Marcellus came near and then all starting up in an instant, and encompassing him from all sides, attacked him with darts, struck about and wounded the backs of those that fled, and pressed upon those who resisted. These were the forty Fregellans. For though the Etruscans fled in the very beginning of the fight, the Fregellans formed themselves into a ring, bravely defending the consuls, till Crispinus, struck with two darts, turned his horse to fly away and Marcellus's side was run through with a lance with a broad head. Then the Fregellans, also, the few that remained alive, leaving the fallen consul, and rescuing young Marcellus, who also was wounded, got into the camp by flight. There were slain not much above forty five lictors and eighteen horsemen came alive into the enemy's hands. Crispinus also died of his wounds a few days after. Such a disaster as the loss of both consuls in a single engagement was one that had never before befallen the Romans.
Hannibal, little valuing the other events, as soon as he was told of Marcellus's death, immediately hasted to the hill. Viewing the body, and continuing for some time to observe its strength and shape, he allowed not a word to fall from him expressive of the least pride or arrogancy, nor did he show in his countenance any sign of gladness, as another perhaps would have done, when his fierce and troublesome enemy had been taken away but amazed by so sudden and unexpected an end, taking off nothing but his ring, gave order to have the body properly clad and adorned and honourably burned. The relics put into a silver urn, with a crown of gold to cover it, he sent back to his son. But some of the Numidians, setting upon these that were carrying the urn, took it from them by force, and cast away the bones which being told to Hannibal, "It is impossible, it seems then," he said, "to do anything against the will of God!" He punished the Numidians but took no further care of sending or re-collecting the bones conceiving that Marcellus so fell, and so lay unburied, by a certain fate. So Cornelius Nepos and Vaerius Maximus have left upon record: but Livy and Augustus Caesar affirm that the urn was brought to his son, and honoured with a magnificent funeral. Besides the monuments raised for him at Rome, there was dedicated to his memory at Catana, in Sicily, an ample wrestling place called after him statues and pictures, out of those he took from Syracuse, were set up in Samothrace, in the temple of the gods, named Cabiri, and in that of Minerva at Lindus, where also there was a statue of him, says Posidonius, with the following inscription:-
"This was, O stranger, once Rome's star divine,
Claudius Marcellus of an ancient line
To fight her wars seven times her consul made,
Low in the dust her enemies he laid." The writer of the inscription has added to Marcellus's five consulates his two proconsulates. His progeny continued in high honour even down to Marcellus, son of Octavia, sister of Augustus, whom she bore to her husband Caius Marcellus and who died a bridegroom, in the year of his Aedileship, having not long before married Caesar's daughter. His mother, Octavia, dedicated the library to his honour and memory, and Caesar the theatre which bears his name.